Thursday, October 27, 2011

Gold Look


Wet light - light wet season, look and Crimson Gold is going to look like much. Klrbar the make-up artist tells Saba that looks how you follow this season of festivals.
Face: the face with a clear, dark beige foundation to blend well. Find it in sync in the direction from top to bottom. Then with the help of brush on the cheeks Blush Blush Sinnabar Shimr to touch the light. Highlight Shimr bronze cheeks and T-zone.
Eyes: eyelids (Ailid) Gorjias on the Gold Blend well to put on eye shadow. Then the brow bone Shimr the bronze (the bulge portion of eyebrows) highlight. Lower lash (lower Brunion Define the Eye Define Eye Pencil Shade of the Desert Glow or drag a line. Brunion the stain and apply two coats of mascara to make long-Duo. When a coat is dry, apply a second coat.
Lips: Lip Gloss Find Tronsperent or Bud.
Crimson Look
Face: face-to-clean crush Caramel Klrbar Find the Time Plus Foundation. Well to blend. Then to look suave and Shaidoi Peachy Rose Blush on the cheeks with the help of brush strokes Blsr to light. Shimr the day after the cheeks (cheek) and t Highlight Zone.
Eyes: eyelids to coat light to shed on the Shimr Rose Pink. Well to blend. Now, i lower Brunion Define the - Desert Glow (the light line drawn) to Define. Apply mascara to the outside corners of the eyes. Mascara Duo from the Brunion to the dense and tall. Apply two coats.
Lips: Lip color bar on the lips with the help of brush cherry lip balm pot pot put lipstick shade.

Wednesday, October 19, 2011

Loss-making Korea GP

Korean Grand Prix organisers have warned that theKorean Grand Prix organisers have warned is under threat of closure unless Formula One boss Bernie Ecclestone gives them a cheaper contract, a report said.
Promoter Park Won-Hwa said the grand prix, held at Yeongam in rural South Jeolla, had made a "big financial loss" and was unpopular with the local community since joining the glitzy Formula One circuit last year.
Park told Autosport magazine that South Korea was keen to keep its grand prix, but he said the event's future depended on whether Ecclestone would let them negotiate a new deal.
"We are trying hard, but we need the co-operation of Mr. Bernie Ecclestone. We certainly want to continue with this event because it is a big event, even though we have losses," he said, in an interview released on Tuesday.
"We want to give this region momentum by holding this event to help boost its economy and to boost the image, and to change our farming background in this region."
Park added that it was "too early for me to say" what would happen if there was no change to the contract. When asked if the race's future depended on a better deal, he said: "Yes. That is right. But we wish to continue."
"He (Ecclestone) knows perfectly well our current situation, and I hope he is more co-operative," Park added.
South Korea became Asia's sixth Formula One host last October, seeking the boost to its prestige and tourism associated with the widely televised event. India will also debut on the circuit next week.
But Park said the event had quickly run into trouble because of the large hosting fee agreed with Formula One before he took up his post this year, with a mandate to slash costs.
Local media reports quoted by Autosport said Sunday's race cost about US$82 million, including a US$55 million fee for hosting and TV rights, against US$25 million in ticket sales. The current contract runs until 2016.
"My main focus has been on reducing the costs as much as possible," said Park. "This is the core issue. Some local people in this region are against the race because of a big financial loss in hosting the race and organising this event.
"Those citizens, who have a background as farmers and are normally poor, want to have the funds distributed for other purposes rather than be used for this so-far unpopular event."
Similar concerns have been voiced by grand prix organisers in China and Australia, while speculation has also been raised about the night race in Singapore where officials are yet to extend their initial five-year deal.

Thursday, October 13, 2011

Pregnant celebs

Closer home, you can catch glimpses of Lara Dutta’s growing belly on TV channels and newspapers, while Sonika Kaliraman Mallik’s is on display on Bigg Boss 5. The only dampener in the belly show is Aishwarya Rai Bachchan, who has refused to stand in the pregnancy limelight by maintaining a low profile since her impending motherhood was confirmed some months ago.
Twenty years have passed since the custom of celebs displaying their heavily pregnant bodies became fashionable. It all began when actor Demi Moore appeared nude on the cover of Vanity Fair in 1991. Moore, then 28, was seven months pregnant when she
What no one had anticipated, however, was the passionate debate the image sparked off. Public reactions ranged from protests about the sexual objectification of women’s bodies to celebrations of the photo as a symbol of female empowerment. Before ‘ More Demi Moore’ the pregnant body incited mixed reactions in popular culture. Because of the high premium on thinness, the pregnant belly was seen as being repulsive, a sign of the deeply embedded fears and anxiety of women about body control and their reproductive system.
Pregnant women are now viewed as fashion icons, a trend that has fuelled a market in chic maternity clothes. It’s a hot fashion trend to be pregnant, one that brands are capitalising on. “ Maternity clothing is fashionable as the idea is to celebrate your new curves in style, not hide them under layers of clothing,” says Pooja Dhawan, India head of Mothercare, the UK retailer. Maternity fashion shoots and ramp shows are becoming big business now that baby- induced curves are both fashionable and sexy.
The swollen belly has become the new erogenous zone, competing with big breasts. YouTube videos, in fact, have several titillating come- hither images of the swollen pregnant belly. Certainly, celeb culture has challenged the ‘ docile’ image of the female body. It has granted permission to middle- class women to make a public display of their pregnancies and served the purpose of shaking up conflicted and repressed attitudes towards sexuality.
A woman with her big belly on display seems to be saying: Yes, I’m having sex and am proud of it too! She looks for different ways of flaunting her pregnancy. She may keep rubbing and holding her belly in public, gestures designed to attract attention. Big bellies also provide an excuse to wear tees with labels that scream a pregnant status such as: ‘ Eating for Two’; ‘ I’m pregnant, what’s your excuse?’; ‘ Pregnant, not fat’. Other ladies turn online, to Facebook, sticking pictures of their naked, often painted bellies at difference stages of pregnancy.
Whether you like what you see or not isn’t a matter of concern, for the message seems to be: If you don’t want to see my pregnant belly, don’t look. But I’m not gonna hide it either! The docility, maternal altruism and selfsacrifice associated with pregnancy have been replaced by a new aggression that manifests as a flaunting of fertility. For some, a baby bump is an expression of fruitfulness; a growing belly accompanied by glowing skin signifies good health and abundance. For others, it’s proof that their relationship with their partner has reached a ‘ secure’ stage, offering proof that family values and sexual morality still prevail despite the culture of increasing uncertainty.
But shouldn’t we be wary of this public display of what is essentially a private matter? Doesn’t it perpetuate the message that fertility should be celebrated only as long as the fertile are wealthy and glamorous? The petite bumps sported good- looking celebs are like fashion accessories, cultivated through extreme body regimens. There’s no getting away from the reality that gross female pregnancy has no place in this scenario. And that only public displays of pregnancy that interest people are those made by rich, famous and beautiful. So where does that leave you and me?

Thursday, October 6, 2011

Pakistan warns Afghanistan

Pakistan warned Afghanistan against anymore regional "point scoring" on Thursday after Kabul signed a pact with Islamabad's archenemy New Delhi that some fear could prompt Pakistan to strengthen its alleged support for Afghan insurgents.
Pakistan is under increasing American pressure to cut ties with militants that it is widely believed to be holding onto for use as potential partners against Indian influence in Afghanistan once Washington withdraws its combat troops in 2014.
The strategic partnership signed by Afghan President Hamid Karzai on a visit to India on Tuesday added to concerns in Islamabad that New Delhi was increasing its influence on Pakistan's western flank. The deal came at a sensitive time for Islamabad, which is facing renewed accusations by U.S. and Afghan officials of collusion with militants in attacks on Afghan soil.
In Pakistan's first reaction to the deal, Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Tehmina Janjua said "this is no time for point scoring, playing politics or grandstanding."
"At this defining stage when challenges have multiplied, as have the opportunities, it is our expectation that everyone, specially those in position of authority in Afghanistan, will demonstrate requisite maturity and responsibility," she told reporters.
President Karzai tried to assuage concern over the agreement Wednesday, saying it was not intended as an aggressive move against Pakistan. He said the pact simply made official years of close ties between India and Afghanistan's post-Taliban government. New Delhi has given significant amounts of civilian aid to Kabul over the last 10 years to build roads, schools and hospitals.
Karzai's words likely carried little weight in Pakistan, which is sandwiched between Afghanistan to its west and India to its east. Pakistan's army has long viewed policy in Afghanistan through one lens: countering the perceived danger of Indian influence in the country.
"The agreement will heighten Pakistan's insecurities," said Talat Masood, an analyst and former Pakistani general. "Pakistan has always felt that it is being encircled by India from both the eastern and western borders."
An editorial in Pakistan's leading English-language newspaper, Dawn, expressed concern that the pact — the first of its kind between Kabul and any country — could "lead to ill-advised efforts to ramp up Pakistani involvement in Afghanistan."
Pakistan and India have fought three wars and been fierce enemies since the two were carved out of British India in 1947.
Relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan have also been rocky, with many Pakistani officials viewing Karzai as too close to India, where he attended university.
To check India's power in Afghanistan, Pakistan has historically supported Islamist militants like the Taliban who it believes are also opposed to India and its majority Hindu population. Islamabad has also allegedly backed militants who have carried out attacks in Kashmir, an area claimed by both Pakistan and India.
Pakistan maintains it severed ties with the Taliban and other militants following the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. But Washington and Kabul say otherwise.
The U.S. has recently accused Pakistan's main spy agency, the ISI, of supporting the Haqqani militant network, which is allied with the Taliban and is suspected of carrying out a recent attack against the U.S. Embassy in Kabul. The group is believed to be based in Pakistan's North Waziristan tribal area near the Afghan border.
Afghan's interior minister has accused the ISI of being involved in last month's suicide bombing in Kabul that killed former Afghan President Burhanuddin Rabbani, who was leading the government's U.S-backed effort to talk peace with the Taliban.
Masood, the former general, also expressed concern that Afghanistan's pact with New Delhi could prompt Pakistan to step up support for militant proxies. Washington's growing ties with growing global power India have also made Islamabad suspicious, he said.
"The agreement will further reinforce their feeling that the Americans and the Indians are pursuing a policy toward Afghanistan that is hostile to Pakistan's interests," said Masood.
The Afghan-Indian strategic partnership outlines areas of common concern including trade, economic expansion, education, security and politics. One of its most sensitive provisions stipulates that India will help train and equip Afghanistan's security forces.
India is already helping train more than 100 members of the Afghan national security forces, said an official with the U.S.-led coalition in Afghanistan, who spoke on condition of anonymity because the coalition was not a signatory to the partnership agreement.
Greater Indian involvement in Afghanistan's security forces would likely spark further concern in Islamabad.
Despite Afghanistan's efforts to strengthen ties with India, analysts and former officials said there were limits to the country's ability to sideline Pakistan, even if it wanted to. One of the most important is geography.
"The imperative of geography is that landlocked Afghanistan will continue to have to look to Pakistan for trade access and related issues for the future," said Maleeha Lodhi, a former Pakistani diplomat.
The Afghan government will also need Pakistan to use its militant links to push forward peace talks with the Taliban, even if Islamabad hasn't done much to help so far, said Hasan-Askari Rizvi, a Pakistani political and defense analyst.
"Moving closer to India is the only strategy available to counter Pakistani pressure," said Rizvi. "But in the long run, Afghanistan can't alienate Pakistan altogether."
Lodhi, the former diplomat, said she hopes Pakistan keeps this bigger picture in mind before making hasty decisions on the security front.